A question with no answer
I'm guessing you've been asked this your whole life. At six, with a fond smile. At sixteen, with pressure. At twenty-six, it becomes “So… what are you actually going to do with your life?” — and there's worry in their voice.
“What do you want to be when you grow up?”
Look closely at how it's phrased. Not “who are you?”, but “what do you want to be” — later, once you've grown up. The question is built as if right now you are nobody, and a profession is the thing that will finally make you somebody.
So you sort of search. You switch majors. You take career aptitude tests. You read about people who “found themselves”. You try design, then data analytics, or whatever else people try when they're looking for themselves. Every time it feels like: this is it. And six months later, again and again, the same emptiness or boredom inside — just with a new line on your résumé. And that's if you even got to work long enough to add one.
- Switch majors
- Take a career aptitude test
- “This is it!”
- Six months later — the same emptiness
In situations like this you get the standard explanation: you just haven't found your thing yet. Keep looking.
But I want to offer a different explanation. You won't find yourself in a profession, because you aren't there. A profession is the fruit of your development as a person and of the development of the society around you.
This lecture is about exactly these two questions — the ones the search for yourself should start with. It's also about how little these questions are discussed, or how they're not discussed at all, in European families and schools, and what to do about it. It's the introduction to a course of ten short lectures.
To make it easier, let's work through it with an allegory: a house.
- Who was supposed to teach this?
- Three capacities and their order
- The diagnosis
- Evidence one: young people
- Evidence two: scientists
- A glitch in the idea of equality itself
- The reversal
- What to do in practice
1. Who was supposed to teach this, anyway?
Let me start with something you can check against the people around you, no statistics required.
If you've been asked “what do you want to be?” dozens of times, now try to remember who, and when, ever talked to you seriously about how to notice that the person next to you is struggling. How not to wreck the relationships you'll still be in ten years from now. How to build a family, and what to do when things get hard in it. I had very few conversations like that, and judging by what I hear from others, that's pretty typical.
- notice that the person next to you is struggling
- not wreck the relationships you'll still be in ten years from now
- build a family — and what to do when it gets hard
Which brings me to the question that interests me most: who was supposed to teach this, anyway?
Everyone is counting on everyone else
Schools mostly count on parents: there are subjects, there are grades, and family life is “something you learn at home”. Some parents count on the school, or on the child figuring it out eventually. Others would like to talk about it but have nothing to pass on: their own experience of family was complicated, or nobody ever taught them either. I don't see any ill will here. It's more that each side assumes this is someone else's job.
- The school counts on the parents
- The parents count on the school
- …or on the child figuring it out alone
And right when it matters, parents are heard the least
From around thirteen, a person starts separating from their family and looking for an identity outside of it. That's a fairly normal part of growing up. The awkward part is that this is exactly when a parent's word carries the least weight. A teenager usually needs a third person: someone older, from outside the family, whom they trust and whose life they'd like to echo in some way.
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In traditional communities, such people existed almost by definition: the master you apprenticed with, the priest, an elder in the community, a coach. In today's rather scattered way of living, such a person turns up rarely and mostly by chance — if at all, unfortunately. I know people who had an elder like that, and the difference between them and everyone else is noticeable.
Where the time actually goes
Look at where teenagers and young adults spend their time outside the family. School, then university, maybe a couple of clubs, gaming with the guys, hanging out with friends, then work. People say there's nothing wrong with that — that's what a living life is supposed to look like. But think about what you're taught along the way. Subjects, skills, eventually a profession. The rest of the time usually goes to rest and fun, which is needed too — it just doesn't replace a serious conversation about yourself and about other people.
What comes out of it
The picture looks roughly like this. Everything to do with knowledge and profession is provided institutionally: school, university, courses, internships, certificates, state standards. Everything to do with the ability to sense another person and hold your own boundaries is left to chance — to the family, which hardly anyone helps, and to random encounters. And then we're surprised that a twenty-five-year-old with two degrees doesn't know how to live with someone close and doesn't understand who they are.
A few numbers, so this isn't just an impression
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I'll start with the family, since that's who everyone is counting on. According to Eurostat's marriage and divorce statistics, the number of marriages per thousand people in the EU fell from 8.0 in 1964 to 3.9 in 2024, while divorces over the same period rose from 0.8 to 1.6. Interestingly, divorces peaked in 2006 (2.1) and have been slowly declining since — but people are also marrying half as often as they did half a century ago.
- 8.0 → 3.9 marriages per 1,000 people, 1964 → 2024 Eurostat
- 0.8 → 1.6 divorces per 1,000 people over the same period Eurostat
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According to Eurostat data on households with children, in 2024 63.5% of such households in the EU were couples with children, 12.7% were a single adult with children, and the remaining 23.7% were other arrangements, including multigenerational ones. The spread between countries is huge: single parents make up 36.7% in Estonia and 2.7% in Slovakia. So the EU average tells you little about your own country.
Next, the conversation channel itself. According to the HBSC study (figures and links in Part 4), finding it easy to talk to your father drops from 79% at age 11 to 65% at 15, and to your mother from 88% to 78%. So exactly when the topics get harder, the conversations get rarer.
- 79% → 65% with father HBSC 2021/22
- 88% → 78% with mother HBSC 2021/22
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As for the third question — whether a teenager has a meaningful adult outside the family — I couldn't find comparable European data. The closest thing is American: according to MENTOR's report “The Mentoring Effect”, one in three young Americans grew up without a single mentor. (Caveat: this is a US sample and can't be transferred to Europe.) The very absence of a European measurement speaks volumes: we regularly count hours of maths, but not whether a teenager has even one older person they trust.
As I see it, this has little to do with individual bad families or bad schools. It's more how responsibility is currently divided. And to talk about it concretely, we'll need two things: names for the things that aren't being taught, and some order among them. That's the language I give in the next part: my own view, in which human development rests on three distinct capacities, and the order between them is not arbitrary.
Check it yourself
Don't take my word for it. Eurostat's tables are open: look for the sections Marriage and divorce statistics and Young people — family and society; there's a row for your country, not just the EU average. And if you find a European study on whether teenagers have a meaningful adult outside the family — write to me. I looked and couldn't find one.
2. Three capacities, and why the order isn't arbitrary
So I needed names for things that aren't taught anywhere, and some order among them.
One of the fruits of my life in Korea and Japan, and of roughly a decade of working with Koreans and Japanese, is my own philosophical view of upbringing. It describes human development through three different kinds of upbringing. Below I lay it out the way it took shape for me, not the way that would be most convenient to explain.
The first stage of upbringing: the heart (shimjeong)
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A note for reference: the concept of shimjeong is too deep to retell here, so I'll just say that it's a very old concept that originated in classical China. In the “Book of Han” (漢書, Hanshu, 1st century AD), the term 心情 is first recorded in the sense of a person's “state of mind”, “direction of thought” or “emotional mood”. And in the poetry of the Tang era (7th–10th centuries), the word comes into active literary use to describe deep, intimate inner experiences — sorrow or longing that is hard to put into words.
If you're interested, I may write more about this in the future.
I prefer the modern interpretation of the term. Shimjeong is the inner impulse to find joy through giving love. And at the same time, it is the core of a person's character.
So I'd put the goal of raising shimjeong like this: to raise a person who loves other people and all of creation with a higher purpose. In other words, it's raising a person of character, whose intellect, emotion and will are developed in balance and rest on shimjeong, which makes it possible to give love.
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From this point of view, we shift away from debating whether a person or an act is good or evil, and toward asking how developed a person's shimjeong is. If shimjeong is undeveloped, a person simply has no inner motive to love, and then their behaviour is regulated by something external — rules, gain, fear, or other people's opinions.
Shimjeong is meant to develop first in the family, as the first school. First we learn to receive our parents' love and care well, developing a child's heart. Then we learn to share with our brothers and sisters, and to resolve conflicts. Later we create our own family, where we learn to share everything equally as husband or wife. And finally we bring children into the world, through whom we learn to give unconditionally for years. That's how the cycle of raising shimjeong closes, and a heart is considered full and developed when a person has gone through all four.
- Child — receiving parents' love well
- Brother and sister — sharing, resolving conflicts
- Husband and wife — sharing everything equally
- Father and mother — giving unconditionally for years
The second stage of upbringing: norms and rules
Love on its own doesn't tell you exactly how to behave with your father, your younger sister, your wife, your own child. More often than not, a person doesn't invent these ways from scratch — they inherit them, and they inherit them from an order that is older than they are.
That's why I understand teaching norms as something broader than teaching manners. It's learning how to behave in those same four positions: what it means to be a son or a daughter, a brother or a sister, a husband or a wife, a father or a mother. This also includes something that, unfortunately, is taboo to talk about today: restraint, and taking sexual relationships seriously.
- son or daughter
- brother or sister
- husband or wife
- father or mother
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In essence, a family is a scaled-down model of any community, so after the family, upbringing extends beyond the home. A family has a vertical axis — parents and children, older and younger siblings — and a horizontal one: spouses, and siblings of roughly the same age. Society, a country, the world are the same thing, only bigger and more impersonal. A person who has learned to keep order in the small model intuitively recognises it in the large one.
It follows that if norms and rules are raised well in the family, a worthy citizen of one's country and of the world is being raised at the same time.
And one more very important nuance. Teaching norms must go hand in hand with raising shimjeong. If there is no love in the rules, they become formalistic and legalistic. A person follows the rules only while someone is watching. But love without norms is no better. It breeds blind love, and children tend to stop respecting that kind of love rather than value it, and they grow up spoiled. And if there are many norms and little love, a person simply rebels against whoever brought those norms. So norms are passed on in an atmosphere of love, not separately from it.
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And if you have to choose which ranks higher, love or norms and rules, it's better to choose love: even when a child has broken a norm, the love doesn't stop — otherwise there is nothing left to hold the norm itself in place.
That's why you could say the classic state school is the second school in a person's life. Schooling is a continuation of upbringing in the family, and if the two aren't aligned, the raising of shimjeong and norms effectively doesn't happen.
The third stage of upbringing: dominion, or raising the genius
And only after that comes learning how to deal with the natural world. At this stage we gain professional and technical knowledge, skills, mastery. This covers everything we've come to consider the main thing, and what almost all our time in education goes into: school, university, profession, career, competencies, portfolio.
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The word “dominion” sounds unpleasant today, so let me clarify. It isn't about consuming what nature provides, like resources, but about caring for things and bringing order. The difference is roughly that between a conqueror and a good steward: both have the same power over the same field, but one drains it dry and moves on, while the other cultivates it and leaves it better than he found it. This is another reason why this stage comes third: without shimjeong, dominion almost automatically slides into exploitation.
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It doesn't concern only nature — we also deal with its symbolic stand-ins. Money, for example, time, space, software code, mathematics, and so on. So the raising of dominion is intellectual, technical and physical education. Everything that gives you the ability to actually get something done.
In effect, it's the development of the genius. Because everyone has the seed of a genius: the ability to create is given at birth as a possibility, and individuality determines what kind of genius a person will become — musical, mathematical, political, culinary.
And one last thing worth adding here. The raising of dominion has to stand on the first two stages. If shimjeong and norms are weakly developed, creativity doesn't disappear, but it doesn't fully unfold either: the person has no one to create for and no boundaries to create within. In the end they do what they were commissioned to do, and exactly as well as they're paid to do it. And how can a child develop their creativity in any field when the parents fight at home, so the child is starved of love and gradually loses the will to live?
What each capacity gives
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| Capacity | What it develops | What it gives a person | What's missing without it |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1. Shimjeong | The impulse to seek joy through love | A person of character | A motive to do good when it's unclear whether it pays |
| 2. Rules/norms | The order of relationships, boundaries | A decent person, a good citizen | A form into which love can be put |
| 3. Dominion | Knowledge, technical skills, creativity | A genius, a master, a professional | The ability to actually get something done |
I consider the order of this list important in itself: to me it looks like a chain of causes and effects.
- Shimjeong — a person of character
- Norms — a decent person, a good citizen
- Dominion — a genius, a master, a professional
Later in the lecture we'll look at this in practice, so I'm not asking you to take this order on faith. I'll test it against what can be seen both in dry data and in life.
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We'll see that without the first kind of upbringing, the second quite quickly slides into hypocrisy: a person knows the rules, follows them in public and ignores them in private, because there's nothing inside that makes the rule desirable.
A person with well-developed skills but without the ability to sense another's heart, and without boundaries of their own, has no answer to the question of what those skills are for. And then the skills serve whatever is close at hand: money, status, fear, someone else's commission.
That's why I consider the question “what do you want to be when you grow up?” a poor one. It looks for identity in the third capacity, the capacity of the genius, whereas identity, by all appearances, begins with the first. What that “by all appearances” rests on, I go through in the following parts.
3. The diagnosis: we only develop the third capacity
Now let me boil everything down to a single thesis, which we'll test together from here on:
No, this isn't a complaint against particular parents or particular schools, and it isn't nostalgia for a past that was supposedly better. It's more a question of where our efforts go today. Almost everything we call education works for the third stage.
But let's not stop at the philosophical side of this question — let's look at research data, mostly from Europe. I present the figures as they were published. Including the ones that don't help my argument.
The next two parts are two different ways of testing this thesis. First we'll look at how young people are raised today, and then at what happens to people whose third stage is developed to the limit.
4. Evidence one: we develop the third capacity well, but people have nothing to lean on
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One caveat before the numbers. Some of the data here was collected during the pandemic: the HBSC 2021/22 wave and PISA 2022 fell in the years of lockdowns and remote learning, so they can't be read as “the normal state of the world”. That's why, wherever there are measurements from before and after COVID, I put them side by side and say what exactly changed.
Young people can't choose a career — and it's getting worse
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According to data from the international PISA 2022 study, run by the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), two in five 15-year-olds in OECD countries have no clear career plans, and that share has grown by more than half since 2018. The researchers link this uncertainty to worse later outcomes in the labour market and to disengagement from learning while still at school.
Notice the shape of this crisis. Some older people argue that young people today simply don't want to make an effort and don't want to work. But the researchers above say that young people can't make up their minds — and this at a time when there is more information about careers than ever before.
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That said, according to a survey by the European Training Foundation, conducted among young people via the U-Report platform, only 33.8% felt they had enough information to choose their studies or career. (The caveat is that the sample is self-selected and not representative, so this is an illustration, not an estimate of prevalence.)
On the first kind of upbringing — raising shimjeong, which happens in the family
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HBSC is the largest regular study of adolescent health and well-being in Europe, Central Asia and Canada, carried out under the auspices of the WHO Regional Office for Europe. Here's what the 2021/22 wave showed in its section on social contexts (it was still collected during the pandemic):
- 83% of adolescents say they find it easy to talk to their mother. 71% — to their father.
- This channel narrows with age: easy to talk to father — 79% at 11 versus 65% at 15; to mother — 88% versus 78%. Boys consistently say more often than girls that it's easy to talk to their father, and communication with fathers shows the largest gender gap across all age groups.
- 68% of a sample of 280,000 adolescents report high family support (71% of boys and 65% of girls) — meaning roughly one in three adolescents in Europe doesn't have it. And over time: at 11 it's 76%, by 15 it's down to 61%.
- Between 2018 and 2022, the share of girls with high family support fell by 10 percentage points (pp) among 13-year-olds and 9 pp among 15-year-olds. Among boys over the same period — almost no change.
- But the spread between countries is bigger than the difference between waves: ease of talking to father ranges from 38% among 15-year-old girls in French-speaking Belgium to 92% among 11-year-old boys in Albania and Sweden. The average tells you little about your own country.
- 83% / 71% of adolescents find it easy to talk to mother / father
- 76% → 61% have high family support, age 11 → 15
- −10 pp 13-year-old girls with high support, 2018 → 2022
Translated into the language of the three stages of upbringing, “easy to talk to Dad” is an indicator of whether the home has living relationships in which love is actually passed on. For almost three in ten European adolescents, there is no such channel with their father. And shimjeong develops only in relationships. Love from a distance isn't enough; providing materially is good, but it doesn't make relationships much closer either — let alone sending a child to a good kindergarten.
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And this isn't just a pandemic snapshot. In the latest PISA 2025 wave, collected during normal life in Europe (not counting the war in Ukraine, of course), family support fell compared with 2022 in almost every country — most sharply among boys and children from disadvantaged families; it rose only in Estonia, Poland, Iceland and Vietnam. So the decline in the first stage of upbringing can't be blamed on lockdowns.
The second stage of upbringing, which happens at school
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The same HBSC wave records a steady rise in school pressure from 2014 to 2022, with a sharp jump after 2018 among 13- and 15-year-old girls: 62% of 15-year-old girls versus 43% of boys feel pressured by schoolwork (at 11 — 32% and 29% respectively). The gender gap among 15-year-olds grew steadily: 13 pp in 2014 → 14 in 2018 → 20 in 2022.
- 62% / 43% of 15-year-old girls / boys feel pressured by schoolwork HBSC
- 13 → 20 pp gender gap, 2014 → 2022 HBSC
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At the same time, support — or the feeling of support — crumbles with age. High teacher support is reported by 69% of boys and 68% of girls at age 11, and only by 47% of boys and 36% of girls at 15. Between 2018 and 2022, support from teachers and classmates declined in every age and gender group except 15-year-old boys.
- 69% → 47% boys HBSC 2021/22
- 68% → 36% girls HBSC 2021/22
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The sense of belonging at school shows more interesting dynamics. According to the PISA 2018 report (Volume III), it was already declining before the pandemic: between 2015 and 2018, the share of students agreeing that “I feel like I belong at school” fell by about 2 pp on average across the OECD. Between 2018 and 2022, as the PISA 2022 report (Volume II) notes, the trends were mixed: roughly equal numbers of countries were stable, improved or got worse. In the 2025 wave, belonging bounced back: on average across the OECD, 76% of students say they feel they belong at school, and increases were recorded in 39 education systems. It's worth noting, though, that part of this rebound is most likely just a return from isolation, after classmates had had time to miss each other — and we're comparing against a pandemic measurement. This doesn't yet cancel out the long-term trend since the early 2000s. But we can't pretend that schools haven't recovered after COVID either — because what recovered was the school, not the family.
Social and emotional skills decline exactly when they should be growing
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According to the OECD Survey on Social and Emotional Skills (SSES 2023) — the largest international measurement of such skills among 10- and 15-year-olds, collected after the pandemic and compared with pre-COVID 2019 — the key finding is a decline in competencies between ages 10 and 15. And in both sites that took part in both the 2019 and 2023 cycles (Helsinki and Bogotá), self-reported skills fell in both age groups. The largest gaps are in open-mindedness skills (tolerance, creativity, curiosity), but also in responsibility, self-control, trust and sociability.
If you map this onto the three stages of upbringing, you could say that responsibility belongs to norms and rules, trust and tolerance derive from shimjeong, and curiosity and creativity are fuel for dominion. And according to the study, everything is falling at once. These data don't prove that it's falling because of the first two stages — they only show that it all falls together.
- Responsibility — norms and rules
- Trust, tolerance — derived from shimjeong
- Curiosity, creativity — fuel for dominion
Consequences we can already see
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- According to a survey by the German Bertelsmann Stiftung (eupinions project, 2024, 23,536 respondents across the EU): 57% of Europeans aged 18–35 experience moderate or severe loneliness. This is post-COVID data, and the authors specifically note that loneliness among young people hasn't returned to pre-pandemic levels. In Germany — 41% at least moderate, of which 12% severe.
- According to Eurofound data — the EU agency that studies living and working conditions — self-reported chronic depression among 15–34-year-olds rose from 4.4% to 5.7% between 2014 and 2019, that is, before the pandemic.
- According to a briefing by the European Parliamentary Research Service, citing Health at a Glance: Europe, almost one in two young Europeans reports an unmet need for mental health care. In the EU in 2021, almost one in five deaths at ages 15–29 was registered as intentional self-harm. Both figures come from the pandemic years (a 2021 measurement and a 2022 review), and I haven't yet found a more recent European measurement of the same quality.
- 57% of Europeans aged 18–35 — moderate or severe loneliness Bertelsmann, 2024
- 4.4% → 5.7% chronic depression at 15–34, 2014 → 2019 Eurofound
- 1/5 deaths at 15–29 — self-harm, EU 2021 EPRS
I'm not claiming that loneliness and depression among young people are caused solely by a lack of raising shimjeong — these are multifactorial phenomena. But please notice that in none of these studies do people say they lack knowledge, skills, or access to education or technology. What they lack is connection, and the sense that someone needs you for who you are, not for your function.
Schools would like to, but don't know how
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The Jubilee Centre for Character and Virtues is a research centre at the University of Birmingham that specialises in character education. According to their framework report, the finding repeats year after year: teachers report moral ambivalence and a lack of confidence in their own role as character educators, and they find it hard to raise ethical questions in class because they are “not always adequately prepared” for it.
Yet there's no resistance to the idea itself: in a poll of teachers that the centre ran with Populus (2018), 98% said that character education should happen at school in one form or another. In effect, the will is there, but the preparation isn't. A study of student teachers produced an even starker result: by the end of their training year, future teachers gave more weight to “performance” virtues at the expense of moral ones than they had at the start. In their ranking of the “building blocks of character”, performance virtues come first and moral virtues only third. The teacher training system itself shifts them from the first two stages to the third (from raising shimjeong, norms and rules to professional and technical education). There's also a comparative European study by the same centre (the TEPACE project, 12 countries) — you can look up the data for your own country there.
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Another interesting point concerns the popular argument among educators that “there's no time for all this because of the curriculum”. If that argument holds, schools that do spend time on character should have worse results. This can be tested, and a study by McLoughlin, Bartram and Harrison (2026, Educational Review) did so across thousands of English schools. In schools officially recognised as strong in character education, attainment turned out to be even slightly higher than predicted for those pupils based on their earlier results — including in schools in poorer areas. The authors caution that this is an association, not a proven cause. But what matters for us is something else: the very cost in grades that people talk about isn't visible in the data.
Check it yourself
Don't take my word for it. The HBSC report is in the WHO's open repository (iris.who.int, Volume 7, 2021/22 wave, 44 countries) — find the tables for your own country, not for “Europe on average”: the spread between countries is bigger than the difference between waves. SSES 2023 results are open on oecd.org, along with site reports for each site. If the data for your country contradicts my thesis, that's worth more than agreement — write to me.
5. Evidence two: what happens to the genius without the first two capacities
If the order of the three capacities really matters, it can be tested by contradiction: find people whose third capacity is developed to the limit of human ability, and look at what happens to the first two.
Such a group exists: scientists. They have gone through years of selection precisely for knowledge and intellectual mastery. And science, like few other fields, has clear rules: don't make up data, don't massage results, credit other people's ideas. So if the third capacity can develop on its own, without shimjeong and norms, this is where we should see people who genuinely advance science for the good of humanity and follow the accepted norms and rules.
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One caveat before the numbers. This data is hard to blame on the pandemic: Fanelli collected his surveys long before COVID, the Dutch survey coincided with it, and the study on “grey zones” came out afterwards. The picture barely changes, and in places the numbers even grow over the years.
Scientists admit to faking data — and say even more about their colleagues
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According to a meta-analysis of 21 surveys published by Daniele Fanelli in PLOS ONE in 2009, 1.97% of scientists admitted to having fabricated, falsified or modified data or results at least once. Up to 33.7% admitted to other questionable research practices.
But when asked not about themselves but about their colleagues, the numbers jump: 14.12% had observed falsification, and up to 72% other questionable practices. Notice this gap. People speak cautiously about themselves even in anonymous surveys, so the first figure is more of a lower bound than the real share.
The more carefully you measure, the worse it looks
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In the Dutch National Survey on Research Integrity (Gopalakrishna et al., 2022, PLOS ONE), with 6,813 scientists from all disciplines and academic ranks taking part, anonymity was protected using the randomised response technique. It's a survey method in which even the researcher can't know what a particular person answered, so it's easier to confess honestly. Here's the result:
- fabrication — 4.3%
- falsification — 4.2%
- 51.3% of respondents frequently engage in at least one questionable practice
- publication pressure is statistically associated with more frequent questionable practices (odds ratio 1.22)
The authors write that the rate of misconduct is higher than in earlier surveys. In other words, where people are better guaranteed anonymity, confessions go up, not down.
- 4.3% fabrication Gopalakrishna, 2022
- 4.2% falsification Gopalakrishna, 2022
- 51.3% frequently engage in questionable practices Gopalakrishna, 2022
Scientists know it's wrong, and do it anyway
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According to a study on “grey zones” in science (Entradas et al., 2026, PLOS ONE, 1,573 respondents), over 90% of scientists admit to one questionable practice or another. But the most interesting part is the gap between how people rate a practice and what they do themselves:
| Practice | Consider it “very serious” | Have done it themselves |
|---|---|---|
| Using someone else's idea without credit | ~91% | ~4% |
| Formulating a hypothesis after seeing the results | 23% | ~46% |
| Not doing a thorough literature review | ~33% | ~65% |
For example, roughly one in four considers formulating a hypothesis after seeing the results a serious violation, yet almost one in two has done it. This is almost word for word what we discussed in Part 2: without the first kind of upbringing, following rules and norms quite quickly slides into hypocrisy. A person knows the rule, agrees with it in words, and doesn't follow it when nobody is checking. Because there's nothing inside that makes the rule desirable.
- 23% → 46% hypothesis after seeing the results Entradas, 2026
- 33% → 65% no thorough literature review Entradas, 2026
A record number of retracted papers
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According to a count by the journal Nature, more than 10,000 papers were retracted in 2023 — a record. And those are only the registered retractions; nobody knows how many problematic papers are never retracted.
It isn't about knowledge
I'm not claiming that all of science is rotten — it remains the best method we have for testing claims about the world. Confession rates are sensitive to wording and survey method, some “questionable practices” are more carelessness and poor methodological culture than ill intent, and comparing countries and disciplines is difficult. But even on the most cautious reading, the conclusion stands: these people don't lack knowledge, because knowledge is exactly what puts them at the top of the global distribution. What they lack is what should come before knowledge.
Research integrity researchers themselves point to the main factor: publication pressure. Translated into the language of the three stages of upbringing, the system rewards the third stage well (number of papers, citations, grants) and barely rewards the second: accuracy, admitting failure, retracting your own mistake. And people respond to incentives quite rationally.
Except that responding to incentives and having nothing above them is precisely the description of a person with nothing higher than incentives. But if shimjeong is developed — if the very impulse to love specific people lives inside you (the reader of your paper, the doctor who will prescribe treatment based on it, the patient who will receive that treatment) — then faking data stops being merely risky. It becomes almost unthinkable, roughly the way it's unthinkable for most parents to hit their own child for a bonus.
So a strong third stage on top of an undeveloped first one produces a person who knows how to do untruth professionally. That's the second half of the evidence: dominion on its own saves no one if there's no shimjeong and no norms beneath it.
Check it yourself
Don't take my word for it. Both key papers are open access on journals.plos.org: Fanelli D. (2009) “How Many Scientists Fabricate and Falsify Research?” and Gopalakrishna et al. (2022) — they contain the full data and methods, so look at them yourself rather than at retellings. To search further, the phrase
prevalence questionable research practices surveyworks well in Google Scholar. You can find data for your own country in the Retraction Watch database (retractiondatabase.org). If it contradicts my thesis, that's worth more than agreement — write to me.
6. How did we get here? An unnoticed glitch in the very idea of equality
It remains to explain why we're raising this question now. Why societies that are objectively richer, better educated and safer than any before them fail the first two stages of upbringing so systematically.
My working hypothesis concerns how the very concept of equality has changed.
A person always holds two positions at once
A head of department is a subject for their team and, at the same time, an object for their own boss. A father is a subject for his child, but remains a son to his own parents. A teacher leads a class and keeps learning themselves. Notice that this isn't a hierarchy in which someone humiliates someone else — it's simply a structure. There is no position from which you only give and never receive.
- A manager — for the team, and for their own boss
- A father — for his child, and a son to his own parents
- A teacher — leads a class and keeps learning
I call this the state of an interconnected body, in which awareness of yourself as an object comes first. First you receive (language, love, a body, knowledge), and only then do you give. A person who has forgotten that they are first of all an object before something higher, and only secondly someone who guides others, becomes a dictator — and the size of the position changes nothing here.
How equality before God became equality before the law
More detail
Now a bit of history. The modern idea of equal rights grew out of Locke's natural law, and that, in turn, out of the religious idea of equality before God. In other words, people used to think of equality as an equality of objects: everyone receives equally, and everyone is equally responsible before something higher than themselves. Such equality contains both order and humility in itself.
With secularisation, the formula survived, but its foundation didn't. “Equal before God” became “equal before the law”. In effect, an equality of objects (receivers) turned into an equality of subjects (people who initiate and give).
The problem is that subject-to-subject relationships easily become antagonistic: if nobody is an object for anybody, there's no particular reason to yield. As long as a religious and cultural memory of a shared “higher” remained, this barely showed. Once that memory faded, everything came to the surface.
Why “what do you want to be?” sounds the way it does
That's exactly why the question “what do you want to be when you grow up?” sounds the way it does today. It's a question of pure subject consciousness. It assumes that identity is something you assign to yourself, or discover in yourself and assert by yourself, competing with other equally self-appointed subjects.
I'd put it with a line from one of my favourite films, Dune:
Identity works this way because it rests on relationships. You are someone's son or daughter, someone's friend, someone's partner, someone's support. Such positions aren't picked from a catalogue — you accept them, and then you carry them. So you could say that a person who has no accepted position at all, only self-appointed ones, is looking for themselves where people usually don't find themselves.
7. The reversal
What we end up with
If we briefly gather everything we've seen, today's reality looks roughly like this:
- We develop abilities and knowledge from childhood
- We choose a profession
- We hope the profession will give us an identity
- No identity → we change profession → back to step 3
- Norms, decency and meaning get postponed to “someday”, if there's time left
- Develop abilities and knowledge
- Choose a profession
- Wait for it to give us an identity
- It doesn't — change profession
What happens if we simply change the order and add the development of shimjeong, norms and rules
- Shimjeong. First, through our different positions in the family and in society, we develop the inner impulse to seek joy through love, which is where love itself comes from. It develops in the family, in the four realms of the heart, in living relationships
- Norms. In parallel, we learn to respect the hierarchy in the family and in society and build norms of behaviour. But we take the purpose from step 1 — inside an atmosphere of love, not instead of it
- Profession. We naturally look for how exactly I can serve people as no one else can, because only I have this ability in this form.
- Shimjeong — where love comes from
- Norms — the form to put it in
- Profession — how I can serve people as no one else can
In this scheme, a profession answers the question “who needs me, and what exactly can I do for them?”, not the question “who am I?”. The answer to that one — identity — comes from the first stage, and the profession becomes its instrument.
In this situation, the need for the question “what do you want to be when you grow up?” naturally disappears.
Gen Z already wants to serve — and it can even be measured
More detail
- According to the report Gen Z Wants to Do Good, produced by Making Caring Common, a project of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, together with Gallup and the Walton Family Foundation, 79% of young people (eight in ten) want their future work to help others, and 72% say that helping others outside of work matters to them too. So the desire to serve is already there in young people; what's missing is the structure and circumstances in which to act on it.
- According to Gallup's study on purpose at work (2025, with Stand Together), among workers with a strong sense of purpose at work, 50% are engaged, while among those with a weak sense of purpose only 9% are (the national average is 31%). Burnout “very often or always”: 13% versus 38%; actively looking for another job: 41% versus 68%.
- 79% of young people want their work to help others Harvard MCC / Gallup
- 50% vs 9% engaged — strong vs weak purpose at work Gallup, 2025
- 13% vs 38% often burned out Gallup, 2025
More detail
(Admittedly, both studies used US samples, not European ones. So I cite them as evidence of the mechanism itself, not as an estimate of how widespread this is among young Europeans.)
And what about Europe?
More detail
Fortunately, all three measurements I found were made after the pandemic, so they can't be blamed on lockdowns either.
- According to the Eurofound report Becoming adults: Young people in a post-pandemic world, young people in the EU are less satisfied with their jobs than older generations and would like more autonomy. One of the researchers' findings is that the gap between aspirations and concrete plans, especially around finding work, is linked to a higher risk of depression among young people. So the issue here is more the gap between a goal and a plan than a lack of a goal as such.
- According to the European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS 2024, EU-wide), 85% of workers say their work is useful, and 83% feel they do it well. And the key point: job quality indices are positively associated with engagement, motivation, trust and cooperation, and negatively with the intention to quit.
- According to Deloitte's Gen Z and Millennial Survey (2025, global, including Europe), 89% of Gen Zs consider a sense of purpose important to their job satisfaction and well-being, up from 86% a year earlier.
- 85% of EU workers: my work is useful EWCS 2024
- 86% → 89% Gen Z: purpose matters for job satisfaction Deloitte, 2025
More detail
Notice how these data fit together. On one hand, 85% of European workers consider their work useful. So there's no shortage of work in Europe through which you can benefit people. On the other hand, young people are less satisfied with their jobs than older people, even though meaning matters more and more to them.
It turns out the problem lies not so much in the work itself as in what a person brings to it. If shimjeong is undeveloped, there's no inner impulse to give, and then people choose a profession in order to become somebody, not in order to be needed by somebody. And with that approach, by all appearances, even useful work doesn't give meaning.
So you could say that meaning isn't a pleasant add-on to a career. Judging by these data, it's one of the strongest known predictors of whether you'll be able to sustain that career at all.
8. What to do about it in practice
I'm not giving step-by-step instructions here — that's the job of the next lectures. But here are three things you can start today.
1. Change the question you ask yourself
Instead of “what do I want to be?” — three others:
- Whom do I love so much that their joy becomes mine? Not “which problem outrages me” (that's an opinion), but specific people whose joy and pain genuinely reach you
- How do I behave in each of my positions — as a son or daughter, brother or sister, friend, partner — and do I keep behaving according to that position when no one is watching? If in some position you don't know what's expected of you, or you keep to it only in public, that's exactly where your second stage is sagging
- What can I do that the people whose pain I feel actually need? And only here does profession come in, or other skills.
The order is what matters: first shimjeong, then norms and rules, and only then skills.
- Whom do I love so much that their joy becomes mine?
- How do I behave in my positions when no one is watching?
- What can I do that the people whose pain I feel actually need?
2. Check whether you have at least one accepted, not self-appointed, position
Where are you not because you chose it, but because someone needs you? Son, daughter, brother, sister, partner, father, mother, the friend people call at three in the morning. If all your identities are self-appointed (I'm a creator, I'm an entrepreneur, I'm such-and-such personality type according to a test), there's nothing to lean on. These roles aren't bad in themselves — they all just grow out of the third stage.
3. Run a one-line check whenever you make a career decision
Before agreeing to a job, a project, a commission: who exactly benefits if I do this well — and can I name that person? If you can't, then it's precisely your third stage at work, with no support from the first two. And in Part 2 we saw that without shimjeong, dominion almost automatically slides into exploitation.
Questions for reflection
- Remember the last time you felt genuinely joyful because someone specific was better off thanks to you. How long ago was it? What does that say about your shimjeong — your first stage? This isn't a reproach, just a measurement.
- Name one of your positions (son or daughter, brother or sister, friend, partner) and how you behave in it even when no one is watching. Where did that come from in you: did you reason your way to it, or did you pick it up from a specific person?
- If your profession disappeared as a thing tomorrow, who would you be? Try to answer without naming a single skill — that is, without leaning on the third stage. Then see whether your answer turned out to be about relationships.
- Recall the data on scientists: 51.3% frequently engage in questionable practices, 4.3% admit to fabrication. What would hold you back in their place, under the same pressure? Fear of getting caught, a rule you know, or specific people you would let down? Notice that only the last one holds when nobody is checking.
- Who would notice if you stopped doing your job well? If the only name on the list is your manager, you're most likely working for a grade, not for people. And this question is less about how your job is set up than about whom you see behind it.
What's next: the course
This was the introductory lecture — a map of the territory. Next come lectures that turn the map into working tools. It's best to read them in order: each one uses the vocabulary of the one before.
The foundation: three lectures, one arc. How life is designed to work. Why we break what we love. How what's broken gets restored — and by what rules.
Then, in-depth lectures. Raising the heart in a real family, without metaphors. Norms that don't kill love. Work as service: what it looks like in a real career, not on a poster. Plus a thinking toolkit: how to see systems, how to tell causes from coincidences, how to recognise your own biases, how to argue productively, how groups build trust.
Each lecture is a 25–40 minute read, with sources, with “Don't take my word for it” boxes, no paywall and no mandatory email.
Subscribe to the next lectures — one email per lecture, nothing else.
What's next: live meetings
And separately — the part that doesn't work through text.
The first capacity isn't developed by reading — which is inconvenient for a course made of texts. Shimjeong develops only in relationships with specific people, in the four realms, in real time. A lecture will give you language to describe it, and not one gram of the capacity itself.
That's why, alongside the course, I'm organising live meetings: small groups, working through these ideas on participants' own situations, no stage and no guru. The format is a conversation, not a talk. The ideas from the course get tested there on real lives, including mine.
If you've read this lecture and something resonated somewhere inside — that's exactly where it makes sense to continue.
Sign up for the next meeting — online and offline, small groups, free of charge.
What this work is, and what it isn't
More detail
Everything in this course is my own research and interpretation based on open data: peer-reviewed publications, statistics from international organisations, historical material, and observations you can repeat at your own kitchen table. The philosophical framework is mine too: it took shape from living in Korea and Japan and roughly a decade of working with Koreans and Japanese.
I don't speak on behalf of any institution, school or movement, and nothing here asks you to take my word for it. Wherever a claim is load-bearing, I give you a free tool to check it and a ready-made search phrase.
The only condition of entry is a willingness to test claims rather than swallow or spit them out by reflex.
Sources
All sources
Upbringing, family, school
- OECD (2024). Teenage career uncertainty: why it matters and how to reduce it — based on PISA 2022 data. A more recent follow-up: OECD (2025), The State of Global Teenage Career Preparation
- WHO Europe / HBSC (2024). A focus on adolescent social contexts in Europe, central Asia and Canada, Volume 7, 2021/22 wave — 44 countries, about 280,000 adolescents; report page
- OECD. Social and Emotional Skills for Better Lives — SSES 2023 results; Helsinki site report
- OECD (2019). PISA 2018 Results (Volume III), chapter on sense of belonging — between 2015 and 2018, belonging declined by about 2 pp on average across the OECD; the longer 2003–2015 trend is in PISA in Focus No. 100
- OECD (2023). PISA 2022 Results (Volume II) — between 2018 and 2022, belonging trends were mixed (equal numbers of stable, improving and declining systems)
- OECD (2026). PISA 2025 Results (Volume I) — the first fully post-COVID wave: sense of belonging at school (76% on average across the OECD, increases in 39 systems) and a decline in family support compared with 2022
- Jubilee Centre for Character and Virtues. Framework for Character Education in Schools; Arthur J. et al. (2018), Character Perspectives of Student Teachers; Populus Poll: Survey of Teachers (2018) — 98% of teachers support character education in one form or another
- Bernhard R., Brestovanský M., Fernández Espinosa V., Harrison T., McDermott T. (2025). Character Education in Schools: A European Comparative Study of Teachers’ and Parents’ Attitudes — the TEPACE project
- McLoughlin S., Bartram R., Harrison T. (2026). Character education and academic progression in English schools, Educational Review, DOI 10.1080/00131911.2026.2669614; full text (PDF)
- Bertelsmann Stiftung (2024). A comparison of youth loneliness in Europe in 2024 — eupinions, 23,536 respondents; project page
- Eurofound. Mental health: Risk groups, trends, services and policies
- EPRS (2024). World Mental Health Day 2024 — citing OECD/EU Health at a Glance: Europe 2022; a more recent edition is available: EPRS (2025)
- ETF. How do young people feel about their career preparation? (U-Report)
- Eurostat. Marriage and divorce statistics — 2024 data: marriages 8.0 → 3.9 per 1,000 people (1964–2024), divorces 0.8 → 1.6
- Eurostat. Young people — family and society — structure of households with children, 2024 (63.5% / 12.7% / 23.7%)
- MENTOR (2014). The Mentoring Effect — US sample; no comparable European measurement of a meaningful adult outside the family was found
Research integrity
- Fanelli D. (2009). How Many Scientists Fabricate and Falsify Research? PLOS ONE 4(5): e5738
- Gopalakrishna G. et al. (2022). Prevalence of questionable research practices, research misconduct and their potential explanatory factors. PLOS ONE 17(2): e0263023
- Entradas M. et al. (2026). The ‘shades of grey’ in research integrity. PLOS ONE 21(1): e0339056
- Van Noorden R. (2023). More than 10,000 research papers were retracted in 2023 — a new record. Nature 624: 479–481, DOI 10.1038/d41586-023-03974-8
Meaning and service at work
- Making Caring Common (Harvard GSE), Gallup and the Walton Family Foundation. Gen Z Wants to Do Good: How Helping Others Supports Meaning and Wellbeing — US sample
- Gallup and Stand Together. The Power of Purpose — survey of 4,475 employed US adults, 18–25 August 2025; summary of findings
- Eurofound (2024). Becoming adults: Young people in a post-pandemic world; “Youth” topic page — the link between the aspirations–plans gap and the risk of depression
- Eurofound. European Working Conditions Survey 2024: Overview report — section on meaningful work, engagement and intention to quit
- Deloitte (2025). Gen Z and Millennial Survey: Pursuing a balance of money, meaning, and well-being — global sample, not just the EU
Philosophical framework
This framework is my own philosophical view, which took shape from living in Korea and Japan and roughly a decade of working with Koreans and Japanese. The wording here is mine; wherever I rely on data or other people's research, the references are given above.
- Upbringing: three kinds of upbringing, their balance, the unity of love and norms
- Human nature: the human being as a creature that always holds a position — object consciousness, the state of an interconnected body, the origin and crisis of the idea of equality in democracy